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tv   Inside Story 2017 Ep 305  Al Jazeera  November 3, 2017 2:32pm-3:01pm AST

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cabinet members of the legitimate government of catalonia is a very grave mistake it is a great attack on democracy imprisoning political leaders who have ample citizen support is an act that violates the basic principles of democracy america's top diplomat will visit myanmar to discuss the rang a crisis later this month pressure is mounting on the white house to impose measures against me and mas government for its crackdown on minorities jurors in hong kong a failed to reach a verdict in a bribery case involving the former leader citing a judge dismissed the jury after they were unable to provide a verdict was accused of accepting a freeway innovation for a penthouse and in return becoming quite favorably disposed to a local radio station which is a former employee used the last day on the job to shut down president donald trump's account on thursday it was reactivated eleven minutes later the company had initially said human error led to the brief closure of the account twitter says
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it's working on steps to prevent such incidents occurring again as the headlines and news continues but first it is inside story. it's just sixty seven words long and has been described as britain's broken promise the balfour declaration marked the start of the century of suffering for the palestinians and led to the creation of a jewish state so one hundred years old should britain atone for the past this is inside story.
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hello and welcome to the program i'm dennis on the second of november nineteen seventeen then british foreign secretary of the bow for promise to establish a home for the jewish people bought it was on the land where palestinians lived a consequence is of the balfour declaration a still being felt today how hundreds of thousands of palestinians were expelled millions now live in refugee camps or under israeli occupation in bethlehem the british artist banksy has mocked the one hundredth anniversary in his own unique way how we force it reports. in the occupied west bank a twisted version of a british street party to mark the hundred year legacy of the balfour declaration it's the work of street artist banksy outside his bethlehem the guests of honor
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palestinian children from nearby refugee camps and her majesty queen elizabeth the second sort of. sort of saying sorry. to support of the national aspirations of a people could suffer discrimination and violence for hundreds of years the wording of the declaration contained a disparity that's borne bitter fruit in the hundred years since promising a national home for the then and future jewish immigrants while only safeguarding or committing to the civil and religious rights of the non jews who lived in palestine of a time ninety percent of the population here. on the other side of the separation barrier students and academics at hebrew university debate its consequences it was one in monkey many and indeed a very important thing for the curation but nevertheless what happened on the ground was even more important what happened on the ground happened under the all
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forty of the british mandate which began a year after the declaration in centers like jaffa palestinian economic and cultural life emerging from autumn and rule was beginning to flourish at the same time jewish immigration accelerated the zionist project already underway now have the support of a major nation to do. this is the beginning of israel and also the beginning of the recognition of israel by the world wide net for the balfour declaration deprive many of their property as nine one of them i mean if you gee i live in to flood refugee camp i can't get back to my original village. by the one nine hundred forty s. britain worried about a forcible creation of a jewish state was attempting to hold back jewish immigration now the zionists targeted the british ninety one people were killed in the bombing of mandate headquarters at jerusalem's king david hotel. post-holocaust looted sympathy for the jewish cause surged in one hundred forty eight when the british withdrew the
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state of israel was declared the palestinians that moment is remembered as the nakba or catastrophe when hundreds of thousands of people lost their homes and land students at university in the occupied west bank say it all began with balfour and . we won't settle for an apology return what you made us lose then we'll accept the apology. and bethlehem palestinian protesters weren't settling for british commemoration no matter how satirical for them the century since the balfour declaration has been one of displacement disposition and occupation force it al-jazeera that led in the occupied west bank. all right let's introduce our guests now joining us from edinburgh in scotland we have simon peer a lecturer and former media advisor to the scottish labor party from ramallah in the occupied west bank we have. a letter at bears eight university and former
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director of the palestinian authority government media center in london we have crispin blunt u.k. member of parliament for the conservative party welcome to your can i come to you first. in ramallah i imagine that one hundred years on that this is a moment of deep reflection retrospection maybe. that's true but in spite of that i think their way palestinians have been trying to remember that the occasion is by looking to the future and the fact that the palestinians are asking great britain to correct this injustice by contributing in more serious way to the creation of a palestinian state on part of the historical palestine is an indicator that instead of crying about the past we are trying to take advantage of this occasion to try to look forward and to move forward in a constructive way and in
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a way that is consistent with international legality and with the consensus of the international community over the future solution or ice conflict ok crispin blunt the u.k. therefore has historic responsibility many people claim with regard to the situation affecting the palestinians today how does generally the british political close view the bow for a declaration now and what resulted from it well of course the general impression is because the balfour declaration is associated with the founding of the state of israel and. what some of the meetings i've been attending this week in trying to do is to point out that whilst the first half of the balfour declaration was delivered the second half that mentions the civil war political rights of the. indigenous people have to be respected plainly has not been delivered and if we're
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going to look at policy not. the only power that can deliver the whole of the balfour declaration and make good on the second half as well as the first half is the state of israel it has the power it has a security guarantee from the world's greatest power of twenty seventeen and it has i believe the responsibility i did. the self interest to try and rediscover the moral force that lay behind the founding of the state of israel to give a a secure highly for global jury after centuries of oppression which is a significant achievement but now israel needs to be in the business of making good on the hundred years of the awful awful prices being paid by the palestinians as a consequence all right so i'm not come to you in just a moment but first i think it would be useful just to to outline the exact wording the sixty seven was that i mentioned earlier now it starts his majesty's government
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view would favor the establishment in palestine of a national home for the jewish people and will use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this object now this is the controversial bit that crispin was just referring to it being clearly understood that nothing should be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing normed jewish communities in palestine or the rights and political status enjoyed by jews in any other country simon coming to you since that was the balfour declaration in crispin's words the responsibility for the full in force meant all of that declaration falls on the shoulders of the israeli government. yes indeed but i think it's incumbent upon the british government and britain has a moral and historical duty here to pressure on israel ease and to appeal to the american government because we all know the us is
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a key player in this to try and pressurise israel is because of what happened the result of the balfour declaration it was deeply thought flawed it was ill thought it was very it was need jr and. we are tragedies nor do write some one thousand percent of the population of palestine claim so there. has been a radical shift. in british attitudes to israel and palestine in the last twenty thirty years the labor party for instance was a solid supporter of israel but the israeli government's own behavior and the way that it's occupation the fifty year occupation the illegal settlements and that's not me saying it's illegal that's a un security council these are mostly major shift in british attitudes about this and there and the media this week there's been
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a lot of recognition of britain's role in this that follows on shortly from the unobvious to a park to sion in india which was another mess yeah or and five that that's why britain does have a key role yeah alright better now has a key role. in ramallah then what should britain do to try to right the wrongs that. trick it. first of all i want to point out very astonishing contradiction that we observe no visa v the british attitude which is the fact that. britain is it was pride celebrating i mean the government this before declaration which contradicts strongly and obviously with the current political position of britain because no britain is supporting the principle of two state solution which means that they look at the palestinians as people who have not only.
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minority rights but rather of political rights and serve the termination and therefore they deserve a state this is clearly different from what ben for statement that you just read stands for therefore if britain is really dedicated to the two state solution then they should not. celebrate before because this is a point written can do now let's let is let to let the let's talk that contradiction that you've just outlined let's put it to crispin there's a contradiction then in the british government's position to read i'm a talking about. observing the one hundred year anniversary of with pride that doesn't sound at all as if it in keeping with the british government's commitment to a two state solution. yes john she was careful not to use that was celebrating
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because that would imply there's some satisfaction being taken in the live apart of the declaration but within the british establishment. through the voice of the prime minister pride in the establishment of the state of israel. and its i was a remarkable story and has produced a a safe home for global jury i did also but it also the cold usually time not so crisp and it also whilst providing safe refuge for one people started the one hundred year. reign of another people and. and that's why that celebrating is not being used as far as i know by the british government it's about commemorating. the declaration and then trying to deliver a sort of a balance but we need to get real here about what the united kingdom can actually
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do and the suggestion that new britain should put pressure on america and america should then put pressure on israel and to take up our responsibility to deliver a two state solution i'm afraid it simply doesn't work the the the truth is is that israel has immense strength i've just come from a conference where the point was made by an israeli academics that. the balfour declaration happened but the actual delivery of the state of israel after that was largely down to the action of the jewish people themselves on the pressure and situation they created in forcing the position by nine hundred forty eight so the states to happen chrismation of course right within the sorry i'm sorry to interrupt but many palestinians think that really what is required from the british government is a in the knowledge been the certain amount of responsibility and be an apology leading to they would hope many of them at least the recognition of the state of
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palestine is that totally unreasonable. well i voted as one of the m.p.c. voted for recognition of the state of palestine and i think we should it's an important symbolic gesture and i think we should do it now the government has chosen so far not to and. to try and use it as a called an appropriate moment as a prize no doubt for palestinian cooperation in future negotiations but that's not that's not my personal view however british recognition of the state of palestine is not going to change the situation in any material way and it's my view having looked at this issue now and had something gauged in the middle east policy phonetic quarter of a century is that we've got to place responsibility in the hands of the nation that actually has the power to deliver this and it is the government of israel and they've got to face up to the very difficult domestic situation that they have created by creating the settler interest in the way that they have since one
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thousand nine hundred sixty seven and that's going to have to be faced if they're ever going to get serious about a two state solution and cuffs on do you derive any comfort then from that twenty fourteen parliamentary vote which evolves majority of british m.p.'s voted in favor of eventual recognition of the state of palestine it was just symbolic but even then the then leader of the labor party at miliband joined with live in support of that vote. i think that this is encouraging and it's not only simple look i think that it carries very significant political weight it indicates that the british public opinion is much less bias now than before and is moving gradually towards being more neutral and this is very encouraging for us however we still expect the british government to be more serious in trying to contribute to the possibility of ending the occupation in order to allow for the creation of an independent
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palestinian state in the territories occupied in one thousand nine hundred seven and one way of doing that is to be serious in objecting to the israeli illegal settlement expansion the fact that britain like many other european countries are closing an eye and only facing a with verbal objection i said britain the israeli believe in security council resolutions union rights the u.n. security council resolution is supported by britain that went through last year told c.n.n. to be a bomb administration. this is good but this is not good enough israel will never be able to continue with its with with its current violations in without the continuity of the support of the outside world united states great britain right and many other countries that are friendly with israel should link their support to israel with whether israel is taking seriously their expectations
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and their demands of stopping the settlement expansion or not ok simon coming to you in edinburgh. we've grown used to succession of labor governments who've been very pro israel as pro israel it's as conservative government something has changed there's a new leader who is speaking a very different kind of language tell us what it is what does jeremy corbyn stand for when it comes to the israel palestine conflict. well there's three key moments and labor had been a very strong supporter of the state of israel and tony blair and gordon brown as prime ministers both were but tony blair partly had to do the same in two thousand and nine there was a lot of the harmony within the party but the tipping point was when you refused to criticize labor's bombing of lebanon in two thousand and seven when the two thousand and fourteen got your affair to win it was
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a two hundred sixty two majority labor had the whip and which meant that was all part of all m.p.'s were to vote the party line to recognise the state of palestine this is going against what christian blunt is a setting that the british government policy has no effect there's really a government at the time lobbied hard to stop labor holding a quip on that thought but labor debar defied them at a time and the labor leader was ed miliband who is a jewish british person as we all nor but with corbin coming to power i know jeremy corben has been a lifelong supporter of the a palestinian cause and in the twenty seventeen general election last june in the manifesto he stated that britain labor came to power over dimage italy recognize the palestine as a state call for a stew a two state solution and also called for the end of the fifty year occupation and
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the end to illegal settlements and the israeli blockade and the last few months were some infighting in the party trying to get this policy changed but at partick conference at the end of september corbin reassess after that and a chilly guarantee and then next general election manifesto labor will repeat that policy and what the international community has to realise is that put a fresh team in a hundred years you will have a british government if carbon gets to power. bricking with the ball for a declaration and calling as a set for their mutual recognition and over time again no one else should be we're going to jump on it brought the british government can have an effect oh all right that's an interesting point let's go back to house and then presumably then from that sign in saying you're really looking forward to the next british election and perhaps a labor victory with with jeremy corbyn as the prime minister. we observe with
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interest and executive the interesting development in the in the british public opinion in general and in europe public opinion in general and we work hard on grassroots level to try to create awareness within the public opinion about the palestinian rights but i want to say regarding what i just heard is that i don't see any contradiction between being supportive of israel at the same time not being supportive of the israeli occupation of the palestinians you can be supportive of israel as much as you want and in the same time be supportive of the right of the palestinian people to have a state within their legal borders there is no contradiction between being supportive to israel and being supportive to the palestinians what we do not understand is to be supportive of the israeli occupation your support to israel should not be extended to supporting the israeli occupation to the palestinian
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territories it's actually in my view a long sighted policy if you if you encourage israel to end that occupation i see this as a form of support to israel because i think that this is an occupation to us on us is as harmful to us is also harmful to israel and to the israeli society in too many different ways and means and crispin even supporters of your own party and outside supporters of israel even many of them are very minutely opposed to settlement building in the program that's been exemplary celebrated under prime minister netanyahu what is stopping at the british government from offering palestine recognition as a state why wouldn't it do that. well i'm not sure we should get so hung up on recognition as a state i think it should happen however it's not going to materially change
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anything on the ground and if you then look at the whole issue of settlements our policy towards the straightforward breach of the fourth geneva convention which settlements represent regrettably neither the policy of the labor party nor of the current government is actually going to do anything concrete about that the question was put to boris johnson in the house of commons the day before yes of all my colleagues desmond swain we're actually going to do anything about settlements except to say we're very very cross and i'm afraid there's no indication that the that there is any market at all in the united kingdom for actually bringing some sanctions to seriously on israel in regards of its the conduct of its occupation and its breach of international law and it's going to need concerted international action to do that for israel's friends to be able to say it is in israel's interest
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it has the power and it has the security of the unconditional security guarantee from the united states not to settle this question no one knows what the guts of the solution would be with the palestinians what the state should be that was made clear again by the foreign secretary couple of days ago the cars are now in israel's hands and it's in her interests to play them not in order to achieve a settlement and katty let me come to you and i ask you at this moment of of. of commemoration should we say after one hundred years of power and you look back at the way the palestinians have conducted themselves throughout this time have there been mistakes made. well unfortunately there has been too many different mystics i think the most significant one of them is refusing to accept the partition plan in one thousand nine hundred eighty eight. i'm not sure that if
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they accepted then the israelis will go along with it but at least accepting that partition plan and the possibility of implementing it could have been much better for the palestinians and i think that this was one major mistake the second major mistake is also agreements while i think that the idea of negotiations between israel and the palestinian leadership is the best way to solve the problems i think that the palestinians made a mistake but equally also agreement because it does not include. a commitment by israel to stop the expansion of settlements continuing the peace process in a way where israel can continue with the settlement expansion process is a very fit and mystique that the palestinians allowed and there they should have insisted that any agreement with israel no matter how flexible it is must include
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commitments by israel to stop the expansion of settlements because the settlement expansion is incompatible with the peace process spirit and letter. and there might be other mistakes but at least this is what what i think major all right thank you very much indeed time is out but can i say a big thank you to simon pier in edinburgh house on the t.v. in ramallah and crispin blunt in london thank you all and as ever thank you for watching the program you can see it again any time you like by going to the web site out jazeera dot com should you want more discussion can go to our facebook page facebook dot com for slash inside story there's always a twitter sphere is well handle is at a.j. inside story i'm dennis from the whole team here in daytona five.
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